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Fathers in court
Even some prominent feminists see the logic of paternity reform.
Here's a pertinent quote from the article below:
"If the cornerstone of your identity is a lie, it may be in your best
long-term
interest to uncover it, especially if you're concerned about your genetic
inheritance. In any case, if a man is ordered to pay child support by mistake, on the
basis of inaccurate information or a knowingly false charge of paternity, fairness
demands that the mistake be acknowledged (and damn the consequences). Excessive
deference to the finality of judicial rulings is quite dangerous. Concern about
efficiency and "closure" is what keeps people in prison long after evidence of
their
innocence has emerged, pursuant to Supreme Court decisions and federal legislation
greatly limiting the right to appeal wrongful convictions. It is no occasion for
celebration that we now have a judicial system in which an interest in finality is
allowed to trump the truth. "
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Fathers in court
Source: American Prospect
Date: 09/25/2000
Subject(s): Feminism; Fathers; Justice
Citation Information: ISSN: 1049-7285; Vol. 11 No. 21; p. 62-63
Author(s): Wendy Kaminer
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It's often difficult for a feminist to garner much sympathy for the fathers' rights
movement. At first glance it seems, at best, redundant. Fathers monopolized familial
rights and power for much of our history. Nineteenth-century common law gave men the
right to control and the duty to support children born in marriage, while women were
left with the rights and responsibilities regarding children born out of wedlock.
Women and children even derived their citizenship from male "heads" of families.
(In
the early 1900s, American women forfeited their citizenship when they married foreign
men.) Marital rape was generally legal until the 1970s. It's not surprising that the
domestic subordination of women, under law, helped fuel the nineteenth- and
twentieth-century women's movements.
Fortunately, feminists have enjoyed considerable success in their efforts to reform
discriminatory laws governing family life and divorce. Equitable distribution laws,
for example, reflect a feminist view of women as equal partners in a marital
enterprise, not as subordinates in a familial hierarchy. But according to men's
rights advocates, feminists have won more than equality for women; they've won unfair
advantages, initiating an era of discrimination against fathers and husbands.
Feminists tend to dismiss this complaint as "backlash," often with good reason;
still, it deserves to be considered. I haven't run across good, recent quantitative
data on the comparative treatment of men and women embroiled in marital disputes or
other familial batties, so I hesitate to take sides in this debate. But I have heard
anecdotal evidence (partly from lawyers) about the abuse of restraining orders
against men and the preferences enjoyed by women in custody and marital property
disputes, especially when minor children are involved. It's not hard to imagine that
judges who've had their collective consciousness raised might overcompensate for
prior discrimination against women by discriminating against a few men. But I suspect
that gender bias varies by judge and jurisdiction and that, nowadays, both sexes have
legitimate complaints about it.
Traditional notions of gender difference still help determine claims of unequal
treatment, sometimes to the detriment of women and sometimes to the detriment of men.
In a 1998 case, Miller v. Albright, the Supreme Court upheld a law that denied men
equal rights to transmit citizenship to children born outside of marriage. The case
involved a citizenship application by a woman born out of wedlock in the Philippines
to a Filipino mother. Her father was an American ex-serviceman who acknowledged his
paternity when the daughter was 22 and was declared her father by the Texas courts.
Federal law, however, required that paternity be established by the age of 18 in
order for citizenship to be transmitted by an American father to an outof-wedlock
child born abroad to a noncitizen mother. There were no similar limitations on
transmission of citizenship by American mothers who gave birth abroad and out of
wedlock to children with noncitizen fathers.
The Court upheld the differential treatment of men and women partly because it
assumed that mothers naturally develop closer relationships with their offspring than
fathers. (It also held that Congress could decide to "reward" unmarried women
for
choosing motherhood over abortion.) As Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg noted in her
dissent, the Court's decision was based on "generalizations (stereotypes) about the
way women (or men) are. These generalizations pervade [the majority opinion], which
constantly relates and relies on what 'typically' or `normally,or probably,' happens
'often.'"
Assumptions that men typically try to evade responsibility for out-of-wedlock
children strengthen efforts to hold some men-or any men-accountable for child
support. Consider the current controversy over the use of DNA testing in paternity
cases. In Maryland the state court of appeals ruled this summer (four to three) in
Langston v. Riffe that men are entitled to use DNA tests to contest prior findings of
paternity, at virtually any time. The court expressly declined to put a time limit on
paternity challenges under Maryland law and rejected the notion that an application
for a DNA test should be granted only if the test is deemed to be in the best
interest of the child.
Why is this ruling controversial? Doesn't justice require finding out the truth about
paternity whenever it becomes available? Not according to some advocates for children
and women, who fear that men will abandon children whom they have been supporting for
years if they are able to disprove their paternity. In his dissenting opinion, Chief
Judge Robert Bell argued that the court's decision would result in an increase in
requests for blood and genetic testing by men seeking to avoid paying child support:
"They have nothing to lose and everything to gain. The only losers under the majority
opinion are the children." Joan Entmacher of the National Women's Law Center observed
that successful but belated paternity challenges will cause considerable economic
disruption and "children will also be hurt when genetic tests disprove something that
is a cornerstone of their identity."
These statements are hard to dispute, but they're remarkably unpersuasive. If the
cornerstone of your identity is a lie, it may be in your best long-term interest to
uncover it, especially if you're concerned about your genetic inheritance. In any
case, if a man is ordered to pay child support by mistake, on the basis of inaccurate
information or a knowingly false charge of paternity, fairness demands that the
mistake be acknowledged (and damn the consequences). Excessive deference to the
finality of judicial rulings is quite dangerous. Concern about efficiency and
"closure" is what keeps people in prison long after evidence of their innocence
has
emerged, pursuant to Supreme Court decisions and federal legislation greatly limiting
the right to appeal wrongful convictions. It is no occasion for celebration that we
now have a judicial system in which an interest in finality is allowed to trump the
truth.
This lamentable trend dramatizes the perils of a results-oriented approach to
justice. If you're primarily concerned with clearing criminal cases, you may not mind
occasionally convicting the wrong man, especially if you assume that a defendant who
is not guilty of the crime for which he is punished is probably guilty of something.
(I imagine that the assumption that everyone on death row is a bad guy, whether or
not he was fairly convicted, explains people's cavalier attitude toward executions.)
If your primary goal is to secure financial aid for children, you may not care if
some men are ordered to provide it because of false findings of paternity. If you're
focused exclusively on supporting women, you may be oblivious to gender bias directed
against men; or you may welcome it.
Ideally, the judicial system should be driven by a vision of fairness and equal
treatment, whomever it benefits. Ideally, due process should prevail over the desire
for any particular result. Interest-group politics belongs in legislatures, not
courts. In fact, courts are supposed to operate as checks on the political process
and the power of some groups, to deprive others of fundamental rights. So you can't
judge the progress of feminism by the number of disputes in which women prevail over
men. If the complaints of fathers' rights advocates are well-founded, they're
testaments to the failures of feminism, not its successes. Only chauvinists want sex
to matter more. Feminists should strive to make it matter less.
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